“Journalism in India was once a profession. It has now become a trade…Never has the interest of country been sacrificed so senselessly for the propagation of hero-worship.”
An intellectual beyond measure and a leader of principles, Dr B.R. Ambedkar was against the commercialisation of journalism and was disgusted by biased reporting that only peddled concocted fiction. Today, Ambedkar’s words echo as a reminder of how immoral reporting not only creates an uninformed society but also a misinformed one.
Owing to initial difficulties, Ambedkar had to rely on scholarships for his education, and similarly, even for journalism, he had to overcome a lot of financial constraints. Before starting his first newspaper Mooknayak, Ambedkar came in close contact with Shahuji Maharaj, the Maharaj of Kolhapur, who helped him launch the paper. The Maharaj, from the peasant caste (present-day OBC), was a progressive leader himself and constantly encouraged Ambedkar. At the All India Backward Classes Conference chaired by Ambedkar, Shahuji Maharaj said, “Mr Ambedkar brings out Mooknayak newspaper and consults all backward communities. I respectfully salute him for this”. Hence, on January 31, 1920, at the age of 29, Ambedkar started Mooknayak at a tiny office in a marginalised area of Mumbai (then Bombay).
Ambedkar’s fight was not for freedom that transfers power from the hands of one oppressor to another. He believed that even if governments change, nothing would change for the Scheduled Castes if those running the government are devoid of principles. Further, Ambedkar believed in empathy for all and also warned that those who oppress might someday end up falling into their own trap. He wrote,
“Society is like a boat. Suppose a sailor, with the intent of causing some harm to the other sailors…punches a hole in their compartment, the result will be that along with the other sailors he will also drown sooner or later.”
Extensive in research, emancipatory in approach, and rightfully incisive in perspective, Ambedkar’s newspapers upheld fearlessness and advocated social interests. His printing press was called Bharat Bhushan, and from Mooknayak (The Hero of the Voiceless) to Bahishkrit Bharat (India Ostracised) to Samta (Equality) – which was later renamed as Janata (Masses) – to Prabuddha Bharat (An Awakened India), Ambedkar named his newspapers as per the stages of the revolution.
For the first 12 issues of Mooknayak, Ambedkar wrote almost everything. For Bahishkrut Bharat too, he himself wrote all the reports, editorials and commentaries – without any extra staff. Through his work, he pointed out the callousness of so-called upper castes and demanded for opening public water sources to the Scheduled Castes. From 1930, he entrusted the responsibility to Devrao Naik, B.R. Kadrekar, G.N. Sahastrabuddhe, R.D. Bhandare, and B.C. Kamble, who all belonged to different communities. Among these, Kadrekar, a leader and journalist from the Bhandari caste (present-day OBC), continued pursuing literatures of the Ambedkarite movements even after Ambedkar’s death. Kadrekar had the responsibility of overseeing Janata and also worked with diligent erudition as the editor and publisher of Prabuddha Bharat.
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In 1927, when a Hindu girl and a Muslim man married each other, and religious fundamentalist newspapers opposed the marriage with scathing remarks; Ambedkar wrote an extensive editorial in Bahishkrut Bharat supporting the conjugal union and criticising those who opposed interfaith marriages. He stated that interfaith marriages should be promoted, and that marriage was a personal matter and no external person had any say in it. Through their Satyashodhak movement and the newspaper Deenbandhu; Savitribai Phule and Jyotiba Phule who were both from the Mali caste (present-day OBC); had pioneered Bahujan assertion through the written word and Ambedkar often spoke about how he looked up to them.
Aghast at the abhorrent journalism of immoral reporters who manipulated the truth and either didn’t report the oppression of Bahujans or worse, justified it, Ambedkar rightfully condemned the casteist prejudices of oppressor caste owned and controlled news agencies saying:
“Each day our people are suffering under authoritarianism with no consideration, and discrimination; those are not covered in the newspapers. By a planned conspiracy the newspapers are involved full-fledged in silencing our views on socio-political problems.”
Ambedkar believed that unless Bahujans get due representation in the media; the selection, coverage, and dissemination of information would continue being casteist and as several reports suggest, this has continued hitherto. When Ambedkar resigned from the post of the first law minister of India owing to the arrogant failure of the cabinet to pass the Hindu Code Bill for women rights and the cabinet’s devastating indifference to the oppression faced by OBCs, he also stated his anguish about the media while speaking outside the parliament.
Post the death of Shahuji Maharaj, Ambedkar’s newspapers faced a constant financial crisis. One of the prime reasons why that happened was because Ambedkar was against unjust advertisements. In one of his editorials published in Bahishkrut Bharat, he lambasted newspapers that published imprudent advertisements related to functions, literature, art, and events that perpetuated social inequality, casteism, and patriarchy. Ambedkar unequivocally stated that he would rather not publish any advertisement than publish such abominable advertisements.
Encouraging scholarly pursuits and looking with hope at the scarce number of journalists who endeavour for the truth, Ambedkar remarked,
“There are, I am glad to say, honourable exceptions. But they are too few, and their voice is never heard.”
Today, when there is no difference between news and fiction, Ambedkar’s journalism motivates us to not remain a neutral observer amidst injustice but to challenge and change the status quo; to expose as well as sensitise the society; for Ambedkar had taught us that being informed individually is being aware collectively, and collective awareness is the initiation of the much-needed revolution.
Ankita Apurva was born with a pen and a sickle.
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